马丁路德金演讲稿(中英对照)

　　Martin Luther King Speech - Where do we go from here

　　Now, in order to answer the question, "Where do we go from here?" which is our theme, we must first honestly recognize where we are now. When the Constitution was written, a strange formula to determine taxes and representation declared that the Negro was 60 percent of a person. Today another curious formula seems to declare he is 50 percent of a person. Of the good things in life, the Negro has approximately one half those of whites. Of the bad things of life, he has twice those of whites. Thus half of all Negroes live in substandard housing. And Negroes have half the income of whites. When we view the negative experiences of life, the Negro has a double share. There are twice as many unemployed. The rate of infant mortality among Negroes is double that of whites and there are twice as many Negroes dying in Vietnam as whites in proportion to their size in the population.

　　In other spheres, the figures are equally alarming. In elementary schools, Negroes lag one to three years behind whites, and their segregated schools receive substantially less money per student than the white schools. One twentieth as many Negroes as whites attend college. Of employed Negroes, 75 percent hold menial jobs.

　　This is where we are. Where do we go from here? First, we must massively assert our dignity and worth. We must stand up amidst a system that still oppresses us and develop an unassailable and majestic sense of values. We must no longer be ashamed of being black. The job of arousing manhood within a people that have been taught for so many centuries that they are nobody is not easy.

　　Depiction of Blackness and Negro Contributions

　　Even semantics have conspired to make that which is black seem ugly and degrading. In Roget's Thesaurus there are 120 synonyms for blackness and at least 60 of them are offensive, as for example, blot, soot, grim, devil and foul. And there are some 134 synonyms for whiteness and all are favorable, expressed in such words as purity, cleanliness, chastity and innocence. A white lie is better than a black lie. The most degenerate member of a family is a "black sheep." Ossie Davis has suggested that maybe the English language should be reconstructed so that teachers will not be forced to teach the Negro child 60 ways to despise himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of inferiority, and the white child 134 ways to adore himself, and thereby perpetuate his false sense of superiority.

　　The tendency to ignore the Negro's contribution to American life and to strip him of his personhood, is as old as the earliest history hooks and as contemporary as the morning's newspaper. To upset this cultural homicide, the Negro must rise up with an affirmation of his own Olympian manhood. Any movement for the Negro's freedom that overlooks this necessity is only waiting to be buried. As long as the mind is enslaved, the body can never be free. Psychological freedom, a firm sense of self-esteem, is the most powerful weapon against the long night of physical slavery. No Lincolnian Emancipation Proclamation or Johnsonian Civil Rights Bill can totally bring this kind of freedom. The Negro will only be free when he reaches down to the inner depths of his own being and signs with the pen and ink of assertive manhood his own Emancipation Proclamation. And, with a spirit straining toward true self-esteem, the Negro must boldly throw off the manacles of self-abnegation and say to himself and to the world, "I am somebody. I am a person. I am a man with dignity and honor. I have a rich and noble history. How painful and exploited that history has been. Yes, I was a slave through my fore parents and I am not ashamed of that. I'm ashamed of the people who were so sinful to make me a slave." Yes, we must stand up and say, "I'm black and I'm beautiful," and this self-affirmation is the black man's need, made compelling by the white man's crimes against him.

　　Basic Challenges

　　Another basic challenge is to discover how to organize our strength in terms of economic and political power. No one can deny that the Negro is in dire need of this kind of legitimate power. Indeed, one of the great problems that the Negro confronts is his lack of power. From old plantations of the South to newer ghettos of the North, the Negro has been confined to a life of voicelessness and powerlessness. Stripped of the right to make decisions concerning his life and destiny he has been subject to the authoritarian and sometimes whimsical decisions of this white power structure. The plantation and ghetto were created by those who had power. both to confine those who had no power and to perpetuate their powerlessness. The problem of transforming the ghetto, therefore, is a problem of power-confrontation of the forces of power demanding change and the forces of power dedicated to the preserving of the status quo. Now power properly understood is nothing but the ability to achieve purpose. It is the strength required to bring about social, political and economic change. Walter Reuther defined power one day. He said, "Power is the ability of a labor union   like the U.A.W. to make the most powerful corporation in the world, General Motors, say 'Yes' when it wants to say 'No.' That's power."

　　Now a lot of us are preachers, and all of us have our moral convictions and concerns, and so often have problems with power. There is nothing wrong with power if power is used correctly. You see, what happened is that some of our philosophers got off base. And one of the great problems of history is that the concepts of love and power have usually been contrasted as opposites - polar opposites??so that love is identified with a resignation of power, and power with a denial of love.

　　It was this misinterpretation that caused Nietzsche, who was a philosopher of the will to power, to reject the Christian concept of love. It was this same misinterpretation which induced Christian theologians to reject the Nietzschean philosophy of the will to power in the name of the Christian idea of love. Now, we've got to get this thing right. What is needed is a realization that power without love is reckless and abusive, and love without power is sentimental and anemic. Power at its best is love implementing the demands of justice, and justice at its best is power correcting everything that stands against love. And this is what we must see as we move on. What has happened is that we have had it wrong and confused in our own country, and this has led Negro Americans in the past to seek their goals through power devoid of love and conscience.

　　This is leading a few extremists today to advocate for Negroes the same destructive and conscienceless power that they have justly abhorred in whites. It is precisely this collision of immoral power with powerless morality which constitutes the major crisis of our times.

　　Developing a Program?

　　We must develop a program that will drive the nation to a guaranteed annual income. Now, early in this century this proposal would have been greeted with ridicule and denunciation, as destructive of initiative and responsibility. At that time economic status was considered the measure of the individual's ability and talents. And, in the thinking of that day, the absence of worldly goods indicated a want of industrious habits and moral fiber. We've come a long way in our understanding of human motivation and of the blind operation of our economic system. Now we realize that dislocations in the market operations of our economy and the prevalence of discrimination thrust people into idleness and bind them in constant or frequent unemployment against their will. Today the poor are less often dismissed, I hope, from our consciences by being branded as inferior or incompetent. We also know that no matter how dynamically the economy develops and expands, it does not eliminate all poverty.

　　The problem indicates that our emphasis must be twofold. We must create full employment or we must create incomes. People must be made consumers by one method or the other. Once they are placed in this position we need to be concerned that the potential of the individual is not wasted. New forms of work that enhance the social good will have to be devised for those for whom traditional jobs are not available. In I879 Henry George anticipated this state of affairs when he wrote in Progress and Poverty:

　　The fact is that the work which improves the condition of mankind, the work which extends knowledge and increases power and enriches literature and elevates thought, is not done to secure a living. It is not the work of slaves driven to their tasks either by the task, by the taskmaster, or by anirnal (sic) necessity. It is the work of men who somehow find a form of work that brings a security for its own sake and a state of society where want is abolished.

　　Work of this sort could be enormously increased, and we are likely to find that the problems of housing and education, instead of preceding the elimination of poverty, will themselves be affected if poverty is first abolished. The poor transformed into purchasers will do a great deal on their own to alter housing decay. Negroes who have a double disability will have a greater effect on discrimination when they have the additional weapon of cash to use in their struggle.

　　Beyond these advantages, a host of positive psychological changes inevitably will result from widespread economic security. The dignity of the individual will flourish when the decisions concerning his life are in his own hands, when he has the means to seek self-improvement. Personal conflicts among husbands, wives and children will diminish when the unjust measurement of human worth on the scale of dollars is eliminated .

　　Now our country can do this. John Kenneth Galbraith said that a guaranteed annual income could be done for about twenty billion dollars a year. And I say to you today, that if our nation can spend thirty-five billion dollars a year to fight an unjust, evil war in Vietnam, and twenty billion dollars to put a man on the moon, it can spend billions of dollars to put God's children on their own two feet right here on earth.

　　Commitment To Nonviolence

　　Now, let me say briefly that we must reaffirm our commitment to nonviolence. I want to stress this. The futility of violence in the struggle for racial justice has been tragically etched in all the recent Negro riots. Yesterday, I tried to analyze the riots and deal with their causes. Today I want to give the other side. There is certainly something painfully sad about a riot. One sees screaming youngsters and angry adults fighting hopelessly and aimlessly against impossible odds. And deep down within them, you can even see a desire for self-destruction, a kind of suicidal longing.

　　Occasionally Negroes contend that the 1965 Watts riot and the other riots in various cities represented effective civil rights action. But those who express this view always end up with stumbling words when asked what concrete gains have been won as a result. At best, the riots have produced a little additional antipoverty money allotted by frightened government officials, and a few water-sprinklers to cool the children of the ghettos. It is something like improving the food in the prison while the people remain securely incarcerated behind bars. Nowhere have the riots won any concrete improvement such as have the organized protest demonstrations. When one tries to pin down advocates of violence as to what acts would be effective, the answers are blatantly illogical. Sometimes they talk of overthrowing racist state and local governments and they talk about guerrilla warfare. They fail to see that no internal revolution has ever succeeded in overthrowing a government by violence unless the government had already lost the allegiance and effective control of its armed forces. Anyone in his right mind knows that this will not happen in the United States. In a violent racial situation, the power structure has the local police, the state troopers, the National Guard and, finally, the Army to call on??all of which are predominantly white. Furthermore, few if any violent revolutions have been successful unless the violent minority had the sympathy and support of the nonresistant majority. Castro may have had only a few Cubans actually fighting with him up in the hills, but he could never have overthrown the Batista regime unless he had the sympathy of the vast majority of Cuban people.

　　It is perfectly clear that a violent revolution on the part of American blacks would find no sympathy and support from the white population and very little from the majority of the Negroes themselves. This is no time for romantic illusions and empty philosophical debates about freedom. This is a time for action. What is needed is a strategy for change, a tactical program that will bring the Negro into the mainstream of American life as quickly as possible. So far, this has only been offered by the nonviolent movement. Without recognizing this we will end up with solutions that don't solve, answers that don't answer and explanations that don't explain.

　　And so I say to you today that I still stand by nonviolence. And I am still convinced that it is the most potent weapon available to the Negro in his struggle for justice in this country. And the other thing is that I am concerned about a better world. I'm concerned about justice. I'm concerned about brotherhood. I'm concerned about truth. And when one is concerned about these, he can never advocate violence. For through violence you may murder a murderer but you can't murder. Through violence you may murder a liar but you can't establish truth. Through violence you may murder a hater, but you can't murder hate. Darkness cannot put out darkness. Only light can do that.

　　And I say to you, I have also decided to stick to love. For I know that love is ultimately the only answer to mankind's problems. And I'm going to talk about it everywhere I go. I know it isn't popular to talk about it in some circles today. I'm not talking about emotional bosh when I talk about love, I'm talking about a strong, demanding love. And I have seen too much hate. I've seen too much hate on the faces of sheriffs in the South. I've seen hate on the faces of too many Klansmen and too many White Citizens Councilors in the South to want to hate myself, because every time I see it, I know that it does something to their faces and their personalities and I say to myself that hate is too great a burden to bear. I have decided to love. If you are seeking the highest good, I think you can find it through love. And the beautiful thing is that we are moving against wrong when we do it, because John was right, God is love. He who hates does not know God, but he who has love has the key that unlocks the door to the meaning of ultimate reality.

　　I want to say to you as I move to my conclusion, as we talk about "Where do we go from here," that we honestly face the fact that the Movement must address itself to the question of restructuring the whole of American society. There are forty million poor people here. And one day we must ask the question, "Why are there forty million poor people in America?" And when you begin to ask that question, you are raising questions about the economic system, about a broader distribution of wealth. When you ask that question, you begin to question the capitalistic economy. And I'm simply saying that more and more, we've got to begin to ask questions about the whole society. We are called upon to help the discouraged beggars in life's market place. But one day we must come to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. It means that questions must be raised. You see, my friends, when you deal with this, you begin to ask the question, "Who owns the oil?" You begin to ask the question, "Who owns the iron ore?" You begin to ask the question, "Why is it that people have to pay water bills in a world that is two thirds water?" These are questions that must be asked.

　　About Communism

　　Now, don't think that you have me in a "bind" today. I'm not talking about Communism.

　　What I'm saying to you this morning is that Communism forgets that life is individual. Capitalism forgets that life is social, and the Kingdom of Brotherhood is found neither in the thesis of Communism nor the antithesis of capitalism but in a higher synthesis. It is found in a higher synthesis that combines the truths of both. Now, when I say question the whole society, it means ultimately coming to see that the problem of racism, the problem of economic exploitation, and the problem of war are all tied together. These are the triple evils that are interrelated.

　　If you will let me be a preacher just a little bit - One night, a juror came to Jesus and he wanted to know what he could do to be saved. Jesus didn't get bogged down in the kind of isolated approach of what he shouldn't do. Jesus didn't say, "Now Nicodemus, you must stop lying." HE didn't say, "Nicodemus, you must stop cheating if you are doing that." He didn't say, "Nicodemus, you must not commit adultery." He didn't say, "Nicodemus, now you must stop drinking liquor if you are doing that excessively." He said something altogether different, because Jesus realized something basic - that if a man will lie, he will steal. And if a man will steal, he will kill. So instead of just getting bogged down in one thing, Jesus looked at him and said, "Nicodemus, you must be born again."

　　He said, in other words, "Your whole structure must be changed." A nation that will keep people in slavery for 244 years will "thingify" them - make them things. Therefore they will exploit them, and poor people generally, economically. And a nation that will exploit economically will have to have foreign investments and everything else, and will have to use its military might to protect them. All of these problems are tied together. What I am saying today is that we must go from this convention and say, "America, you must be born again!"

　　Conclusion

　　So, I conclude by saying again today that we have a task and let us go out with a "divine dissatisfaction." Let us be dissatisfied until America will no longer have a high blood pressure of creeds and an anemia of deeds. Let us be dissatisfied until the tragic walls that separate the outer city of wealth and comfort and the inner city of poverty and despair shall be crushed by the battering rams of the forces of justice. [,et us be dissatisfied until those that live on the outskirts of hope are brought into the metropolis of daily security. Let us be dissatisfied until slums are cast into the junk heaps of history, and every family is living in a decent sanitary home. Let us be dissatisfied until the dark yesterdays of segregated schools will be transformed into bright tomorrows of quality, integrated education. Let us be dissatisfied until integration is not seen as a problem but as an opportunity to participate in the beauty of diversity. Let us be dissatisfied until men and women, however black they may be, will be judged on the basis of the content of their character and not on the basis of the color of their skin. Let us be dissatisfied. Let us be dissatisfied until every state capitol houses a governor who will do justly, who will love mercy and who will walk humbly with his God. Let us be dissatisfied until from every city hall, justice will roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. Let us be dissatisfied until that day when the lion and the lamb shall lie down together. and every man will sit under his own vine and fig tree and none shall be afraid. Let us be dissatisfied. And men will recognize that out of one blood God made all men to dwell upon the face of the earth. Let us be dissatisfied until that day when nobody will shout "White Power!" - when nobody will shout "Black Power!" - but everybody will talk about God's power and human power.

　　I must confess, my friends, the road ahead will not always be smooth. There will still be rocky places of frustration and meandering points of bewilderment. There will be inevitable setbacks here and there. There will be those moments when the buoyancy of hope will be transformed into the fatigue of despair. Our dreams will sometimes be shattered and our ethereal hopes blasted. We may again with tear-drenched eyes have to stand before the bier of some courageous civil-rights worker whose life will be snuffed out by the dastardly acts of bloodthirsty mobs. Difficult and painful as it is, we must walk on in the days ahead with an audacious faith in the future. And as we continue our charted course, we may gain consolation in the words so nobly left by that great black bard who was also a great freedom fighter of yesterday, James Weldon Johnson:

　　Stony the road we trod,

　　Bitter the chastening rod

　　Felt in the days

　　When hope unborn had died.

　　Yet with a steady beat,

　　Have not our weary feet

　　Come to the place

　　For which our fathers sighed?

　　We have come over the way

　　That with tears hath been watered.

　　We have come treading our paths

　　Through the blood of the slaughtered,

　　Out from the gloomy past,

　　Till now we stand at last

　　Where the bright gleam

　　Of our bright star is cast.

　　Let this affirmation be our ringing cry. It will give us the courage to face the uncertainties of the future. It will give our tired feet new strength as we continue our forward stride toward the city of freedom. When our days become dreary with low hovering clouds of despair, and when our nights become darker than a thousand midnights, let us remember that there is a creative force in this universe, working to pull down the gigantic mountains of evil, a power that is able to make a way out of no way and transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows. Let us realize the arc of the moral universe is long but it bends toward justice.

　　Let us realize that William Cullen Bryant is right: "Truth crushed to earth will rise again." Let us go out realizing that the Bible is right: "Be not deceived, God is not mocked. Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap." This is our hope for the future, and with this faith we will be able to sing in some not too distant tomorrow with a cosmic past tense, "We have overcome, we have overcome, deep in my heart, I did believe we would overcome."

　　在其他领域,这个数字是同样让人担忧。在小学里,黑人落后一到三年内,他们背后白人种族隔离的学校的每个学生充分地受到更少的钱比白人学校。一个黑人和白人二十多上大学。雇佣黑人,75%的卑微职位举行。

　　这是我们的位置。我们该何去何从?首先,我们必须大量维护我们的尊严和价值。我们必须站起来,在一个系统,以及开发一个压迫我们仍然是无懈可击的宏伟的价值观。我们必须不再羞愧的是黑色的。这项工作的人,在一个成年唤起已经教了很多个世纪,他们都没人是不容易的。

　　描绘的黑暗和黑人的贡献

　　即使语义学已造成那黑色的丑,可耻的。在?罗杰的同义词典有120个同义词为黑暗和至少60个都是进攻,例如、玷污、烟尘、残酷,魔鬼和犯规。还有一些134个同义词和所有优惠,白表达这样的话纯洁、清洁、贞洁、纯真。一个善意的谎言比一只黑色的谎言。最堕落的成员的家庭是一个“害群之马”。戴维斯奥西(奥斯曼的建议也许英语语言应该重建让老师不会强迫教黑人孩子如何轻视自己60,从而延续他的错误的安全感,白色的孩子自卑的方式来崇拜自己134,从而延续他的假的优越感。

　　这个倾向于忽视了黑人的美国人的生活,剥去他的战做人,是最早的历史和现代如早晨的报纸。让这个文化杀人,黑人要起来定一个肯定自己的奥林匹斯已经成年。任何运动为黑人的自由,俯瞰这需要仅仅是等待。只要心被奴役,身体就会永远是免费的。心理自由、严格意义的自尊,是最强大的武器攻击的漫漫长夜里,物理奴隶制。没有Lincolnian解放宣言或Johnsonian民权法案完全可以把这样的自由。黑人只能自由时,他一直延伸到他的内心深处的存在和符号与笔和墨水的成年的自信自己解放宣言。与精神紧张,并向真正的自尊,黑人必须勇敢地抛弃的镣铐,自言自语,贯通于对世界说道:“我是大人物。我是一个人。我是一个人的尊严和尊重。我有一个富有和高贵的历史。多么痛苦和剥削的历史了。是的,我是个奴隶穿过我的父母和我不是涌现的羞耻。我很惭愧,肉体的人,所以让我成为一个奴隶。”是的,我们必须站起来,说,“我是黑色,我很漂亮,”这个自我的肯定是黑人的需要,使引人注目的白人的罪行起诉他。

　　基本的挑战,

　　另一个基本的挑战是如何发现如何组织力量在经济和政治上的权力。没有人能否认黑人急需这种合法权力。事实上,有一位伟大的问题是他的黑人面临缺乏力量。从古老的南方种植的新犹太区的北方,黑人被困于生活的voicelessness和无力。剥夺权利决定他的生活和命运,他受到了独裁的,有时是异想天开的决策的白色的权力结构。种植园和黑人区的是由那些曾power.都把那些没有能力和延续他们的无力感。黑人区的问题,因此,改变是一个问题的power-confrontation势力的权力要求改变力量的力量致力于保护的现状。现在电力正确理解无非是能达到目的。这是必须的力量带来的社会、政治和经济的变化。沃尔特鲁瑟定义的权力的一天。他说,“权力的控制能力,如美国汽车业的工人工会使最强大的公司,是世界上最通用汽车,说“是”的时候就想说"那是权力。”

　　现在很多人传教士,和所有的人都有我们的道德信念和担忧,所以经常有问题。有什么毛病是正确使用电力如果力量。你看,什么事情是我们的一些哲学家下车的基地。和最大的问题之一是,历史上的概念被爱和力量对比,如对立两极oppositesNNso爱等同于一个辞职的力量,并与一个否定的爱。

　　正是这种误解导致尼采,谁是哲学家的权力意志,反对基督教观念的爱。这是这个相同的误解引起基督教神学家驳回Nietzschean哲学的权力意志之名基督徒爱的观念。现在,我们必须把这件事吧。我们需要的是一个没有爱的力量是实现和虐待的,爱鲁莽停电是感伤和贫血。最好是爱的力量执行正义和公正的力量都是站在爱的修正。这是我们必须看到我们继续前进。现在的情况是,我们已经是错误的和困惑在自己的家乡,这使得美国黑人在过去寻求他们的目标,通过电力缺乏爱的良心。

　　这是导致一些极端分子现在提倡黑人相同的破坏性力量,他们,没有良心的独有的厌恶。正是这种碰撞不道德的力量与无能为力的道德构成了我们这个时代的重大危机。

　　开发一个程序吗?

　　我们必须制定一个计划,将这个国家有保证的年收入。现在,早在这个世纪的这项提案将被报以嘲笑和谴责,极具破坏性的主动性和责任感。当时的经济状况被认为是衡量个人的能力和天赋。在思考,那一天,没有世俗财物表示要勤劳的习惯和品格。我们经历了一段漫长的路在我们理解人类的动机和盲目作业我国经济体制的。现在我们意识到中国市场经济,普遍存在的歧视推力人变成懒惰和绑在恒定或频繁的失业率违背自己的意愿。今天的可怜的更少,我希望从我们的良心被冠名为劣质或撤换。我们也知道,无论多么动态经济的发展和扩大,它没有消除所有的贫穷。

　　这个问题必须指出,我们的重点因素。我们必须创造充分就业或必须创造收入。人们必须使消费者或是其他的方法之一。一旦被放置在这个位置我们需要担心这些潜在的个人不浪费。新形式的工作,提高社会良好必须想出了那些为谁传统的工作。在I879亨利·乔治预期这种情况时,他在进步和贫穷。

　　事实是,这项工作的条件,提高人类的工作,扩展,增加力量和丰富的知识,提高文学思想,不做安全的生活。这不是工作的奴隶驱使他们的任务,在任务的严师,或由anirnal(sic)的必要性。这是男人的工作的一种工作,最终能带来一个安全的地方,一个国家的社会是要废除。

　　这样的工作可能极大地增加了,我们会发现一些亟待解决的问题,而是住房和教育,消除贫困之前要受贫穷,首先是如果废除。穷人变成购买者会大量依靠自己的力量去改变房屋腐烂。谁有双重残疾黑人将有一个更大的影响时,他们有额外歧视的现金使用的武器在他们的斗争。

　　除了这些优势,积极心理变化势必引起广泛的经济安全。个人要发旺的时候,关于他的人生决定是在他的手中,他已经手段寻求自我完善。个人之间的矛盾,妻子和孩子的丈夫会削弱人体测量时,不值得规模的美元是消除。

　　现在我们国家能做到这一点。约翰·肯尼斯·加尔布雷思说,保证可实现年销售收入为大约20亿美元。今天,我对你们说,我们要花350亿美元一年,邪恶的不公平的战斗在越南战争期间,20亿美元来把人送上月球,它可以花数十亿美元来把上帝的孩子在他们自己的两只脚就在这里。

　　致力于非暴力

　　现在,让我说,我们必须重申我们简短承诺非暴力。我想强调这一点。这种毫无意义的暴力的种族平等的斗争已经在最近不幸蚀刻的黑人暴动。昨天,我试图分析的暴动和处理它们的原因。今天我要给对方。的确有一些悲痛有关暴动。有人看到青少年和成年人的尖叫,漫无目的的愤怒绝望地斗争反对不可能的挑战。和内心深处,你甚至可以看到一个愿望,一种自我毁灭的自杀的渴望。

　　偶尔黑人认为1965年的美国瓦茨暴乱和其它暴乱在各城市的代表了有效的公民权利行为。但是那些表达这种观点总是最后的话,当被问到什么绊已经赢得了混凝土所得的结果。充其量,暴乱产生一点额外的反政府官员被吓坏了资金分配,几water-sprinklers冷静的贫民窟。这有点像提高食品在监狱里的人保持安全而被关押在狱。没有赢得任何具体的骚乱,改善组织的抗议活动,如有示威游行。当一个试图牵制倡导的暴力行为,什么是有效的,答案是符合逻辑的。有时他们推翻种族歧视的州和当地政府和他们谈游击战。他们不知道:从来没有内在革命成功推翻政府通过暴力,除非政府已经失去了效忠和有效的控制自己的武装力量。任何人在他的心里知道这不会发生在美国。在一次猛烈的种族状况、权力结构有当地警察伞兵,国民警卫队,最后打电话给onNNall军队的主要是白色的。另外,一些如果任何暴力革命已经成功,除非强暴的慰问和支持少数研究的多数。卡斯特罗可能只有几古巴人实际上与他在群山之中,但是他绝对不会推翻巴蒂斯塔政权的,除非他有同情心的绝大多数的古巴人。

　　事实是,一个暴力革命的美国黑人会找不到的同情和支持,白色的人口的绝大多数的黑人。这是没有时间为浪漫幻想和空的哲学辩论的自由。这是一个行动的时候了。我们需要的是一个战略战术上的变化,这是一个程序,这将带来了黑人进入主流的美国人的生活,越快越好。到目前为止,这仅仅是由非暴力运动。没有认识到这一点,我们将会以解决方案,并没有解决,答案,不要回答和解释,不要解释。

　　所以,今天我要对你们说,我还是站在非暴力。我仍然相信它是我见过的最有力的武器,可以在自己的奋斗的黑人正义。和其他的事情是,我很担心一个更美好的世界。我很担心正义。我很担心手足情谊。我关心的真理。当一个关心这些,他永远也不能崇尚暴力。你可以通过暴力的谋杀案凶手,但你不能杀人。你可以通过暴力谋杀说谎的人,但是你不能建立的真理。你可以通过暴力谋杀了劲敌,但是你不能谋杀恨。黑暗无法熄灭的黑暗。只有光明能做这件事。

　　我又告诉你们,我也决定坚持爱。因为我知道爱是最终的唯一办法是人类的问题。我打算去谈论它无处不在,我走了。我知道这不是流行的谈论它,在某些场合。我不是在谈论情感波什谈论爱情,我正在谈论的是一位强壮,要求的爱。我看到太多的仇恨。我看过太多仇恨的脸上行政长官在南方。我看过讨厌的脸上太多太多的白色的公民Klansmen和南方的比例要恨我自己,因为我每次看见它,我知道它确实一些他们的脸,使他们的个性和我对我自己说,恨是不能承受的负担。我已经决定去爱。如果你正在寻找最高的好,我认为你能找到它。美丽的东西,就是我们正在攻击错了,当我们这样做,因为约翰是正确的,神就是爱。他讨厌的、就不认识神,但他喜欢有一把钥匙,打开门,终极实在的意义。

　　我想告诉你我搬到我的结论,当我们谈“我们该何去何从,“那我们诚实的面对这个事实本身的动作必须解决的问题,整个美国社会的调整。有40亿的穷人。有一天,我们必须问这样的问题,“为什么有40亿的穷人在美国吗?”当你开始问这样的问题,你应该对经济系统,更广泛的分配的财富。当你问这个问题,你开始质疑的资本主义经济。我只是说,越来越多的时候,我们要开始询问关于整个社会。我们都被召唤来帮助气馁的乞丐,在生活的市场。但是有一天,我们必须看见一个大厦所产生的乞丐需要重组。这意味着问题必须得到提高。你看,我的朋友,当你处理这件事,你开始问这样的问题:“谁拥有这些石油吗?”你开始问这样的问题:“谁拥有铁矿吗?”你开始问这样的问题,“为什么人们要付水费涨价,在这世界上三分之二水吗?”这些问题,必须问。

　　关于共产主义,

　　现在,不要以为你有我在一个“绑”。我不是在谈论共产主义。

　　我对你说的是,今天早上忘了说生命是个体的共产主义。资本主义社会,忘记了一点生命王国的兄弟是既没有发现在论文的共产主义和资本主义的对立面,但在一个更高的合成。它在一个更高的合成方法相结合的真理。现在,当我说问题整个社会来说,这意味着最终来看,问题的种族歧视的问题,实现经济开发的问题,和战争都是相连的。这些是三大罪恶,是相互联系的。

　　如果你让我成为一名牧师只是一点点,一天晚上,一个陪审员来到耶稣那?堙a他想知道他可以做的。耶稣不拘泥于种孤立的方法。他不应该做的。耶稣没说,“现在,尼哥底母,你必须停止撒谎。”他没说:“尼哥底母,你必须停止作弊,如果你是这样做。”他没说:“尼哥底母,你千万不要犯奸淫。”他没说:“尼哥底母,你现在必须停下来喝白酒,如果你是这样做。”他说一些完全不同的东西,因为耶稣意识到一些基本的--如果一个男人会说谎,他会偷来的。如果一个男人要偷窃,他会宰了。所以,而不只是陷入困境的一件事,耶稣看著他,说:“尼哥底母,你必须重生。”

　　他说,换句话说,"你的整个结构必须改变。”一个国家,这将使人们在奴隶制为244年将“thingify”--他们使他们的事情。因此,他们一定会利用他们,可怜的人一般,经济的方法。一个国家一定会利用和经济会有外国投资和其它的事情,而且要用其军事力量来保护他们。所有的这些问题都是相连的。我所说的是,今天我们必须离开本公约,然后说:“美国,你必须重生!”

　　结论

　　所以,我得出这样的结论:今天又说,我们有一个任务,让我们一起出去一个“神圣的不满。”让我们到美国的不满将不再有高血压的教条和贫血的行为。让我们不满意,直到悲惨的墙壁,独立的外部城财富和安慰和内在的城市贫困和绝望的必被撞城锤,正义的力量,等。[我们直到那些居住不满于市郊的希望被带到这个大都市的日常安全。让我们不满直到贫民窟是投进的垃圾堆积的历史,和每一个家庭是生活在一个像样的卫生回家。让我们不满意,直到黑昨日的男女分校也会变成光明的明天的质量、综合教育。让我们不满直到集成不是问题,而是一个机会来参加这个美丽的多样性。让我们不满意的男人和女人,但直到黑人,也必怎样被论断;在此基础上对他们的品格特征的基础上,而不是他们的肤色。让我们不满意。让我们不满意直到每个州国会有谁会做州长、谁将爱怜悯谁、必悄悄跟他的神。让我们从各城堂不满直到,正义就如大水滚滚,使公义如江河滔滔。让我们不满直到那天狮子和羔羊必安然躺卧。和4人人都要坐在自己葡萄树下和无花果树下、无人害怕。让我们不满意。与人会认出了血神造人,都住在地上。让我们不满直到那天,当没有人会喊“白色的力量!”--没有人会喊“黑色力量!”--但是每个人都会谈论上帝的力量和人类的权力。

　　我必须承认,我的朋友,前面的路不会一帆风顺。还会有岩石的地方,蜿蜒的挫折和困惑。将会有必然的挫折。将会有那时候的浮力希望将会变成了绝望的疲劳。我们的梦想会在我心中永远都是。我们可以再次与tear-drenched眼睛要站立在棺材的勇敢的民权的工人将会扼杀生命的卑鄙的行为的怪物嗜血。困难和痛苦时,我们必须走在未来的日子里与一个大胆的信心。当我们继续我们的路线,当然,我们得安慰的话那么高尚,黑人诗人所留下的是自由斗士的昨天,詹姆斯?约翰逊。

　　我们走过的路,石,

　　苦锤炼之杖

　　在这个日子

　　出生的时候希望已经去世了。

　　但以一个稳定的节拍,

　　没有我们歇歇脚

　　来到这个地方

　　对于我们列祖叹了吗?

　　我们已经来了

　　那泪水已经被浇水。

　　我们已经践踏我们的路

　　通过血液的屠杀,

　　从阴暗的过去,

　　到目前为止,我们就会站起来

　　在明亮的微光吗

　　我们的明星。

　　让这肯定是我们呼。它将给予我们勇气去面对不确定性的未来。这将给我们的疲倦的双脚新的力量,我们将继续我们的前锋向城市自由迈进。当我们的日子变得沉闷与低盘旋绝望的云,当我们的夜晚变得更深一千人midnights,让我们记住,这是一种创造性的力量在这个宇宙,拆掉了巨大的山脉中,这是邪恶力量能使之路和改造黑暗没有光明的明天。昨日让我们意识到的宇宙的道德是什么颜色?它是长的,但是它对正义的弯曲。

　　让我们意识到,威廉·卡伦·布赖恩特是正确的:“真挤土会再度上升。”让我们去认识到《圣经》是正确的:“不要自欺、神是轻慢不得的。是什么,收的也是什么。”这是我们对未来的希望,并带着这样的信念,我们将能够在一些不太遥远的明天宇宙过去时态,“我们已经克服,我们克服了,在我内心深处,我相信我们一定会克服的。”

　　演讲背景：

　　马丁·路德·金最有影响力且最为人知的一场演讲是1963年8月28日的《我有一个梦想》，迫使美国国会在1964年通过《民权法案》宣布种族隔离和种族歧视政策为非法政策。Where do we go from here是同时期的演讲。